The Heritage Front
Affair
A report to the Solicitor General of Canada
December 9th, 1995
III. ALLEGED WHITE SUPREMACIST INFORMANT
3.1 Background
3.1.1 Counter-Intelligence Work
The Source first came to the attention of CSIS through his contact with
diplomats from a foreign country in 1986. On January 29, 1986, CSIS learned
that a diplomat from a foreign country had been in contact with two people
"who were in a position to provide information of interest to that
country."
The Source's employer had been passing low level tidbits of information
to the country's Vice-Consul in Toronto for the past three years without
remuneration. The employer had developed a contact who was involved in the
opposition community in Toronto.
The Toronto Consulate official referred the Source and his employer to an
Intelligence Officer who was posted to the Embassy in Ottawa. The foreign
Intelligence Officer "assessed the Source's claims as being valid"
and he "wanted to develop the Source into an access agent into the
Toronto" movement.
A Security Officer for the foreign country's Embassy met with the Source
and his associate and said the Embassy needed a security firm to advise
on security devices. The Security Officer also asked the Source to register
him (the Officer) for university sessions on terrorism and videotape any
opposition demonstrations. The Toronto Region Investigator recognized that
the firm wanted the security contract despite the advice from CSIS that
they back out of the relationship.
CSIS approached the Source on March 6, 1986 following his meeting with the
foreign government diplomat and he agreed to cooperate with the Service.
The Source explained to the Toronto Region Investigator that he had a "contact"
with access to those Toronto groups which opposed the foreign government.
The foreign government representatives were developing the Source as an
agent when the Department of External Affairs, on August 20, 1986, expelled
one diplomat as "persona non grata" and did not permit
the second to return to Canada on the same basis. The next month, the First
Secretary at the Embassy renewed contact with the Source to continue to
develop him as an access agent. Despite this contact, it appeared that the
foreign Government lost interest in the Source. CSIS HQ suspected that a
friend of the Source may have been an asset of the embassy and informed
them that the Source was responsible for the "persona non grata"
actions.
3.1.2 The White Supremacist Assignment
In February 1987, the Source was re-directed to another target.
One factor which aided the decision to re-direct the Source was the fact
that he was acquainted with an individual who worked with a right wing extremist.
After the Source was introduced to the individual in February 1987, he contacted
the CSIS handler "and provided unsolicited information about Aryan
Nations involvement (and) indicated that he would be willing to infiltrate
the right wing on behalf of CSIS."
When the Source met a CSIS Investigator from Toronto Region on February
26, 1987, the CSIS mandate on right wing targets was explained to him. "He
was also instructed that he could not break the law, regardless of how petty
an offense might seem (e.g. spray painting right wing slogans or signs)."
3.1.3 Problems Develop
The Source offered to recruit his friend, a former police officer. The Investigator
told the Source to keep the association with CSIS confidential. On March
5, 1987, a police force contacted Toronto Region and said that their informant
received an offer by the Source to be introduced to a member of CSIS.
After the first disclosure, the Source denied informing anyone of the CSIS
association and was informed "in no uncertain terms that his relationship
with CSIS must remain entirely confidential for his own protection."
The Investigator was uncertain if the police source was told about CSIS
by the Source or took an "educated guess".
At CSIS HQ, in April 1987, a Unit Head stated that "this file is
starting to smell a little funny" as he didn't like the way the
Source and his friend may have teamed-up. But as the Service's relationship
with the police was excellent and the source was under development, the
operation would continue under "tight control."
Toronto Region Managers concluded that the source operation was "not
seriously undermined" and they hoped that "rigid control
and direction will prevent any further breaches of security by this source."
CSIS Headquarters supported the continued development of the Source with
certain reservations, among them: "The source appears to be somewhat
overzealous, which may have compromised his confidentiality. Security precautions
should be reinforced and his progression in this field should be carefully
monitored and directed."
On June 11, 1987 the Toronto Region Investigator met with a police representative.
CSIS was told that a police source was again advised by the Source that
he was "currently working for the CSIS in a long-range operation."
CSIS HQ suggested and Toronto Region complied with the recommendation that
the Source be told that the Service's priorities had changed and that it
was no longer interested in his assistance. Contact with the Source ceased
at that point.
3.2 The Radical Right
3.2.1 The New Beginning
The Source next contacted the Toronto Region office over a year later on
November 4, 1988. He had met an individual with close contacts in the extremist
milieu. The Source felt that he should contact Toronto Region to apprise
them of the situation.
The Source told an Investigator that he had no personal interest in the
radical right. He was told by the Toronto Investigator to notify him of
any contacts with extremists.
In view of the Source's past indiscretions to the police source, the Investigator
offered no encouragement to the Source who, nevertheless said he would "identify
as many of the individual cell members as possible."
The Region worried about growing recruitment activities, particularly among
Skinheads. The Region's investigators thought that the violent right-wing
philosophy of the Identity Movement provided an excellent vent for the frustration
expressed by the 'Skinheads' and that they may, by fortunate happenstance,
have identified an acceleration of the violent activities of the right-wing
movement in Toronto in its embryonic stage.
The Region was not prepared to "let this developmental situation
go unmonitored" and the Source was "clearly the best equipped
to keep us abreast of developments."
3.2.2 The Old Problem
On December 12, 1988 the Intelligence Branch of a second police force contacted
Toronto Region to advise that during the course of a criminal investigation,
a police source reported that the Source claimed to have CSIS contacts.
The Regional Investigator commented that directional control had not been
a problem with this individual since he always ran any ideas past the investigator
prior to implementing them and was receptive when advised not to proceed
with a given plan. The Source was said to be an outgoing gregarious individual
who was easy to get along with, and a positive relationship existed between
him and the investigator.
In May 1989, the Source reported that a Nationalist Party leader attended
a party at Alan Overfield's house. Overfield was to become a prominent figure
two years later when he linked the Heritage Front to the Reform Party.[1]
3.2.3 Infiltration of the Right Wing
In the fall of 1988, the Source was invited to the residence of Don Andrews,
the leader of the Nationalist Party of Canada. Seeing him for the first
time, Andrews was precisely what the Source had expected: he was obviously
a radical; he acted as a cult-like figure.
Seated around Andrews' table with him at
the weekly gathering were five people who had jobs. The rest of those present
stood around the table; numbering about 10 people, Andrews called them his
"Androids"[2]: unemployed
persons who lived in Andrews' rooming houses. We were told that Andrews
took the cheques they received, subtracted the rent and other expenses,
and gave them the rest 
of their money, making
a big production at his meetings of having them come up and get their money
from him. Among other behaviours, Andrews berated his people for not remembering
certain acronyms, such as OMS (one man show), during the tests that he administered.[3]
Among others in Andrews' coterie was David Maxwell French. He used to spend
his money on articles, especially uniforms, that belonged to dead Nazis.
Souvenirs of Nazis who were still alive were not acceptable. Consequently,
within the extremist movement, 
French had the nickname, the
"Necro-Nazi".[4] French said
he never heard the term "Necro-Nazi". Like a "floating
crap game", people gravitated from hate literature[5]
publisher Ernst Zundel to high school teacher Paul Fromm to Don Andrews
and back over time.[6]
3.2.4 Droege Arrives from Prison
A significant event took place in April, 1989. Don Andrews conducted
a special meeting. His "Androids" were invited to his mansion.
The people present were introduced to a friend who had been 
in Toronto for just a few days: Wolfgang
Walter Droege.
Droege had been released from Lompoc Prison in the United States on April
21, 1989 four years after his conviction on drugs, weapons and illegal entry
charges. He went to Toronto where he wanted to obtain money to establish
himself before he moved on to join his girlfriend in another province.
Droege was considered to be the senior statesman of the extreme right movement
and, as a privilege, he sat at the table in Andrews' house. Droege had arrived
in Canada with nothing, and so a considerable number of people helped him
by providing accommodation, food, and shelter. Droege fairly quickly went
to work as a part-time bailiff for Alan Overfield, a long time friend and
one-time associate of the Nationalist Party.
In July 1989 the Source reported that "Droege has mentioned an interest
in starting a group called 'Society for the Preservation of the White Race'
(SPWR)" and the Source opined that "any group
set up by Droege would almost certainly be action oriented." CSIS
told its Source to monitor the situation.
The next month, in August 1989, CSIS learned from the Source that
Droege had further developed his concept of a group separate from the NPC.
The name had changed to the "White Heritage Foundation"
(WHF). Droege described the proposed WHF as "a group of dedicated
white nationalists whose interest it would be to force the government to
include their (WHF) mandate in the government agenda. The WHF would also
act as a lobby group to protect the rights of white people." This
would be the public side of WHF.
The WHF would also have a covert side to it. One of the covert activities
would be to set up an all white enclave. The WHF, under Droege's direction
would target a specific county or area and then use "whatever persuasive
methods or inducements necessary to convince non-whites to leave the area."
But within the covert side would be still another level, an inner
clique to be known to a select few as the "Brethren". It
would be this group which would actually "control all aspects of
the WHF." This clique was to be unknown to regular WHF members.
Two other defecting members of the Nationalist Party of Canada, Gerald Lincoln
and Grant Bristow were being considered by Droege for positions in this
group.
Rumours were circulating in the NPC that another member and Grant Bristow
were "RCMP 'snitches'" and so Andrews suggested that Droege
should take Bristow around to meet people so that Droege could then vouch
for him.
3.3 Trip to Libya - Founding the Heritage Front
3.3.1 The Start
The Source was among a group of seventeen people invited by Andrews to travel
to Tripoli to attend the 20th Anniversary Celebration of the Libyan Revolution,
from August 26, 1989 to September 4, 1989. Don Andrews claimed that he could
not go himself because he was involved in a Court case and could not leave
Ontario.
The Source believed that most people were chosen because they would
not embarrass Andrews and his Party. Those who owned luggage were also favoured.
Another criterion was money. There was to be a stopover in Rome for a plane
change and Andrews wanted people who had enough money to pay for their own
accommodation there.[7] Andrews paid for most
of the rest of the trip by using money advanced by Libya; this was likely
arranged through a Libyan agent.
The "anointed deputies" in the Andrews group were
Nicola Polinuk, June and Max French, Wayne Elliot, and Anne Ladas who was
in charge of the delegation, having been to Libya previously.[8]
The travel itinerary called for a plane change in Rome on the way to Libya
and a one day stop there on the way back. The 17 representatives of the
Nationalist Party of Canada shared accommodation.[9]
In Rome, on the way to Libya, the group would await their flight for a couple
of hours. Asked to present passports in Rome, most of the NPC group experienced
no problems. Wolfgang Droege, however, was pushed to the side along with
James Dawson, Max French and June French. These four people were on the
same ticket and the Rome anti-terrorist squad wanted to interview Droege
and possibly dissuade him and the others from going to Libya. An
Italian agent was reported as saying: "its too hot in Libya" and
Max French said: "we'll put on shorts". Droege then told
Max to "shut your mouth."[10]
3.3.2 Malta to Tripoli
The NPC group flew from Rome to Malta. There they were placed on a boat
later described by the group as a "converted prison ship"
which went from Malta to Libya. Gerry Lincoln, James Dawson, Wolfgang Droege,
and Grant Bristow roomed together in what was called a "bottom-dungeon".
The right wing racists had to be separated from the left wing anti-fascists
for the former's protection.[11] After the ship docked, the NPC
group were not allowed to disembark and only after several days of complaining
were they allowed to reside in Camp Kadhafi some miles from Tripoli.
At the Camp, the Nationalist Party group was told that there would be a
parade in a stadium; anyone who participated had to wear Muammar Kadhafi's
green uniforms. If her group complied, Anne Ladas would get to sit near
Kadhafi. Max French, always preoccupied with wearing uniforms, desperately
wanted to wear one in the parade.
Droege, and the others were told of the plan to wear uniforms and march
in the parade. Droege stood up and said he would not do it. At first, it
was sixteen to one against him. However, the Source did not want to be videotaped
in a Libyan uniform and so he stood up and supported Droege. Ladas then
said she would tell the Libyans and they would give the Source and Droege
a hard time. These words stimulated a groundswell of support from those
who agreed with the two dissidents, including Lincoln and Dawson.[12]
Max French called the two dissidents every imaginable name and was most
disappointed with the decision, but he eventually received his uniform.[13]
French denies this account.
Droege had defied the Party line and created a division between himself
and Andrews. Droege told the Source that he had realized that Kadhafi's
government supported the African National Congress which was killing whites
in South Africa. This made the regime anathema to him, from a racist ideology
point of view.[14]
3.3.3 Landing in Chicago
On the return flight from Rome, some members of the delegation examined
their tickets and saw that the return route was: Rome-Chicago-Toronto. When
Anne Ladas was asked about this, she was reported to have said that the
Chicago stop only involved waiting in the international transit lounge.
Droege was not allowed to enter the United States as a condition of his
release from prison there. He had served four and a half years of a thirteen
year sentence and he was prohibited from re-entering the United States for
five years.[15]
On the airplane to Chicago, Droege sat beside Grant Bristow rather than
James Dawson who was a very large person. The stewardess handed out the
customs declarations and it was evident that Droege and his group would
formally enter the United States. Droege asked "what are we going
to do" and Bristow responded, "we'll probably get arrested".[16]
Droege protested to the Alitalia staff on the plane. He told Bristow to
instruct the others to clear Customs and Immigration and then call Andrews
when they landed. Droege wondered whether Andrews had conspired to have
him arrested, given the routing. Droege could have been reincarcerated for
another nine years in jail if things had gone badly for him.[17]
Droege wanted to stay on the plane and fly back to Rome, but the
aircraft Captain told him either to get off or be charged with piracy.[18] The NPC members were arrested
and some received threats from US officers. They were strip-searched and
had their body cavities probed for contraband.[19]
The entire group, including the Source, were detained by US Customs
for several hours and subjected to interviews. The Nationalist Party of
Canada people, except Droege, were then allowed to go through passport control
and clear Immigration.[20]
Anne Ladas and Nicola Polinuk telephoned Don Andrews who instructed them
to come back to Canada. Andrews told Bristow to retain a lawyer for Droege
while the rest of the group returned to Toronto as soon as permitted.
Andrews then spoke again to Ladas and Polinuk. They left for a short time
and then returned with $1,000 which they gave to Bristow for Droege. The
funds were Libya's gift to the Nationalist Party of Canada. Lincoln, Dawson
and the rest of the group contributed $250 to pay for a hotel for Bristow.
A member of the group called the Canadian Consulate to inform them of Droege's
arrest.[21]
Following Andrews' instructions, Bristow contacted a lawyer for Droege in
Chicago. He then contacted a representative of the Canadian Consulate. The
diplomat informed Bristow there was no point in waiting around and he could
return to Canada. Bristow took the advice.[22]
Prior to Bristow's departure, he gave the lawyer $1,000 as a retainer, and
a list with the names of the Alitalia Airline employees who were present
when Droege made his protest. The German lawyer who began the case was not
available when Droege was to appear in Court. A Jewish lawyer from the same
legal firm represented him. Droege was quite "seized up"
when it happened, but would laugh about it later with his Heritage Front
associates.[23]
The lawyer told Droege that for an extra $2,000, he could get Droege out
immediately. Otherwise, he would languish in prison for some time before
release. Droege was freed after forty-eight hours.
3.3.4 The Return
Droege was released and driven to Niagara Falls by the American
authorities at night. At the border, he took a bus which arrived at 6:00
in the morning in Toronto. Droege called Don Andrews to inform him of his
arrival and Andrews invited Droege to come over for breakfast.[24]
When he arrived, Droege found a policeman with Andrews. The officer told
Droege that Andrews had nothing to do with the arrest and placed the blame
on an Andrews "Schlep." This person, it was said, had tried
to make a deal that if he were given a passport, he would be the eyes and
ears of the OPP for what happened in Libya. The OPP did not accept the offer.[25]
Tensions were high in the NPC after the trip to Libya, particularly
among those who had gone there. The entire group had worried
about being attacked in Libya, they were arrested in Chicago and they were
subjected to humiliating interviews and body cavity searches; people were
generally tired and fed up.
James Dawson was turned back in a subsequent attempt to enter the USA and
the Source reported that all who went to Libya felt that they too were on
the Watch list. Several in the group (Dawson, Lincoln, Wayne and Donna Elliot)
were thinking of breaking with the Nationalist Party and "throwing
their support behind Droege."
The general consensus was that Don Andrews' actions and, in particular,
the Libyan trip, did the most to cause people to leave the Nationalist Party
of Canada.
3.3.5 The Founding
On September 25, 1989 the Heritage Front was formed by Wolfgang Droege at
a meeting attended by Gerald Lincoln, Grant Bristow and James Dawson. These
people were foils to Droege, according to the sources we contacted.
Gerry Lincoln would be the president while Droege and Bristow would work
"behind the scenes as 'silent' executives."
Wolfgang Droege, under oath, told the Review Committee that:
"I already had this idea for a number of years myself, but I
said to them basically, 'Fine, but I'm not going to be the one who is going
to do all the work. If I have the support of others, I am willing to form
an organization, and if I don't, I'm not going to do it myself.' So, especially
Gerry Lincoln and Grant Bristow assured me that they would be totally supportive
if I were to start an organization".[26]
The precipitating event was the trip to Libya, Droege stated that the Nationalist
Party people challenged him and
"So, that is what then really led me to say, 'When we get back,
we will start an organization'... and some time in October of 1989 that's
when I said, 'Okay, let's do it.'"[27]
Droege said that he suggested the name for the Heritage Front and "I
was the one who most people tended to follow because most people felt I
had put myself on the line a number of times."[28]
He also said that even if Bristow and Lincoln had not supported the idea
of the Front at that time, "I felt eventually it would happen because
I totally disagreed with Mr. Andrews' positions or his views."[29]
As the person with the most contacts in the extreme right, he said that
"I wanted to go to these people and say, 'Okay, the intention is
to form an organization which is to be national rather than just regional,
an organization which an average Canadian can identify with."[30]
James Dawson registered the Heritage Front on October 2, 1989. During that
week, Droege held a meeting with Lincoln, Jim Dawson
and Bristow where he said the HF will have a "Kosher-Conservative"
line publicly but will use the group to "clandestinely forward the
white supremacist movement." Lincoln said there was no clandestine
agenda.
In CSIS' Toronto Region, the Acting Regional Director General confirmed
the tasking of a source against Droege on October 4, 1989 for six months.
Droege became a Level 2 target on that date. The handling of the Source
was reassigned to a more senior Investigator on October 3, 1989.
The original concept for the Front, as defined by Droege, was that
there would be two "wings": a political wing and a military
or direct action wing. The political wing would be made up of people who
were not suitable for activist work; that is to say, they would engage in
political propaganda work. The people in the military wing would work at
demonstrations and they would distribute leaflets. We learned that Droege
also formed the October 2nd Committee, "an active measures commando unit to be
run by him and to use selected skinheads."
To distance the new Heritage Front from the NPC, Lincoln would publish a
newsletter, based on USA material with "no hate material, just pro-white."
The Heritage Front was to have, in theory, four levels: the first
would be "the Brethren": Droege, Lincoln, and Bristow.
The second would comprise the Executive Council: James Dawson, the Brethren
and rising stars in the HF. The third would be the HF membership and the
last level would comprise supporters and subscribers to the new newsletter.
We learned that Droege intended to unite under the Heritage Front those
persons in Canada who were associated with The Order, the
Ku Klux Klan and the Aryan Nations. The Front would be the primary vehicle
for "furthering the white supremacist movement in Canada".
Droege was going to contact white supremacists in the United States to get
their mailing lists of Canadian supporters.
Droege's plan was not only to unite the white supremacists under the Heritage
Front banner. When that was accomplished, Droege wanted to buy land in the
Peterborough area, control the town council and try to legislate racist
views into the by-laws.
Droege wanted the Heritage Front to be a more focused version of
The Order in the United States. The group would attack armoured cars and
black drug dealers for funds. The Front, according to the Source, would
not target minorities but rather, it would use selective violence against
"race-traitors": those Christian whites who disagreed with
white supremacist views.[31]
Droege hoped to get cash from the Libyans in return for information on Jewish
groups in Canada. To this end, Droege asked Bristow to accompany him to
Montreal to learn which Libyan officials he should contact in Canada. Droege
hoped to obtain major funding from the Libyans.
Droege decided to include the other people assisting him as equals: Dawson
registered the Heritage Front and all four would pay for its start up: Droege
paid one half and Lincoln and Bristow each paid a remaining quarter of the
start up costs. These comprised a $50 registration fee, letterhead stationary
and several other expenses for a total of approximately $300 to $350. There
was no office and no staff to pay.[32] The
Up Front magazine would cost $1,000 an issue to print but it would come
out only in 1991. A description of financial issues is provided in chapter
VI.
Droege needed people to take action on his ideas and someone to
put these ideas on paper: he used Lincoln for that purpose. By October 2,
1989, Gerry Lincoln was writing all the materials and all the propaganda.
In addition to propaganda, the Source reported that Lincoln later gave large
amounts of his money to pay for the publication of Up Front Magazine, the
Heritage Front's major propaganda outlet and, eventually, "cash
cow".[33] Lincoln said he did not
provide a great deal of money for the magazine.
In regard to the 'active measures' cell called the 'October 2nd Committee',
the Source was initially tasked to be a member and assist in this cell's
training and operations. The Source was able to decline the offer, indicating
to Droege that it was not his style. The Source had been instructed by the
CSIS Investigator "to remove himself from any potentially criminal
endeavour being planned by the HF or its commando cell."
Droege generated some ideas for making money to pay for the Heritage
Front.[34] Among them were "taking
down" drug dealers to get the money. The Source raised the problem
of their having guns, and used other arguments to try to dissuade Droege
from pursuing this and like ideas.[35]
Droege made Grant Bristow his assistant because he could "take the
heat".[36] In 1989 and afterwards,
there were two security chiefs in the Heritage Front: Eric Fischer and Grant
Bristow. Bristow had floating responsibilities as Droege had various visions
of what he wanted to happen. Grant Bristow was also appointed as an office
manager (of sorts) to supervise the administrative requirements of the HF.
Mainly, however, Bristow was there to help Droege find cars for his bailiff
duties. Droege was working for Al Overfield, repossessing cars. But before
they were repossessed, they had to be found. Bristow was good at locating
cars.
Droege said that Bristow was important to him because Grant "showed
him the ropes" after he (Droege) began working for Accurate Bailiff
Services run by Al Overfield. For this initial help, Droege owed Bristow
a lot, and a strong friendship developed. He continued, in part, to shield
Bristow from attacks by other members, who often alleged that he was an
informant, because of this initial friendship.[37]
3.3.6 CSIS Knowledge
Toronto Region reported to CSIS HQ on October 10, 1989 that Droege was founding
the Heritage Front based on the September 26, 1989 meeting.
CSIS continued to have considerable concern about the Source's association
with Droege: "in view of Droege's background, source should be advised
to avoid any involvement in illegal activities". Nevertheless,
the Source was instructed to report on him.
The Service stated that due to Droege's record of criminal activity and
his stated intention to conduct robberies in order to gain funding for the
HF, a brief on their interest in his activities would be provided to the
RCMP [38] HQ said that ...Toronto Region's
cooperation and judgement would be relied upon to ensure that the Source's
association with Droege did not become a matter of police responsibility.
The Service watched the development of the HF with great interest. The Source
and Droege attended the Northern Foundation Conference where the former's
presence "was beneficial in allowing the Service to monitor Droege's
launching of the HF."
As 1990 began, the Source was targeted against Wolfgang Droege by virtue
of his increasingly lead role in the white supremacist movement in Canada.
The Service acknowledged that Droege had included the Source in the top
level of his new organization and continued to trust the source and utilize
his talents in an effort to further his political aspirations; others were
added later.
The fundamental reason that CSIS kept the Source targeted against Wolfgang
Droege was to give the Service time to assess the greatest threat and adjust
accordingly. Their main concern was that if Droege becomes the leading Aryan
movement personality in Canada his organization would be harder to penetrate
due to his past experience and security consciousness. If this scenario
were to materialize they would be fortunate to have a source in on the ground
floor.
Footnotes
1 In the 1970's Alan Overfield had been an active member of the right-wing
Edmund Burke Society and the violence prone Western Guard Party. During
1972, Overfield was one of the Western Guard members who received firearms
training at a camp north of Kaladar, Ontario. In the 1980's Overfield became
associated with the Nationalist Party of Canada. Mr. Overfield denies being
prone to violence.
2 SIRC interview of source.
3 SIRC interview of Source.
4 SIRC interview of Source.
5 Mr. Zundel indicated that he published "truth literature",
not "hate literature", and that he has never been convicted of
publishing hate literature.
6 SIRC interview of Source.
7 SIRC interview with source.
8 SIRC interview with Source.
9 SIRC interview with Source.
10 SIRC interview with Source.
11 SIRC interview with Grant Bristow.
12 SIRC interview with Source.
13 SIRC interview with Source.
14 SIRC interview with Source.
15 SIRC Hearing, Wolfgang Droege.
16 SIRC interview with Grant Bristow.
17 SIRC interview with Grant Bristow.
18 SIRC interview with Grant Bristow.
19 SIRC interview with Source.
20 SIRC interview with Source.
21 SIRC interview with Grant Bristow.
22 SIRC interview with Grant Bristow.
23 SIRC interview with Grant Bristow.
24 SIRC interview with Source.
25 SIRC interview with Source.
26 SIRC Hearing, Wolfgang Droege.
27 SIRC Hearing, Wolfgang Droege.
28 SIRC Hearing, Wolfgang Droege.
29 SIRC Hearing, Wolfgang Droege.
30 SIRC Hearing, Wolfgang Droege.
31 Mr. Droege does not agree with the expression "more focused".
He says that he learned from the mistakes of the Order and stated that that
was not a way of successfully promoting the ideas of the Heritage Front.
He denies all that is said in the paragraph.
32 SIRC interview of Grant Bristow.
33 SIRC interview of Source.
34 SIRC interview of Source.
35 Mr. Droege denies promoting robberies to fund the Heritage Front.
36 SIRC interview of Grant Bristow.
37 SIRC interview with Wolfgang Droege.
38 Mr. Droege denies promoting robberies to fund the Heritage Front.
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For relentless Holocaust promotion, on the other hand, contact
Nizkor.
For another Jewish point of view, contact the Simon
Wiesenthal Center (tm)